English translation of an article originally published in http://www.sydsvenskan.se/opinion/aktuella-fragor/tala-om-modeller/
IN
SEARCH OF A MODEL FOR THE MIDDLE EAST: RETHINKING THE TURKISH AND NORDIC
EXPERIENCES
På
Spaning Efter En Modell För Mellanöstern: … Av Turkiska Och Nordiska
Erfarenheter
Umut Ozkirimli är
professor i samtida Turkietstudier och verksam vid Centrum för
Mellanösternstudier vid Lunds universitet.
Spyros A. Sofos
är gästforskare vid Centrum för Mellanösternstudier vid Lunds universitet.
The
“Arab Spring” caught everybody off guard. Almost overnight, autocratic regimes
have been toppled, social and ideological fissures have emerged, and conflict has
become the order of the day, sometimes crashing hopes for freedom, democracy
and dignity. But political change is like the Swedish winter, long and replete
with challenges. Transition to democracy requires a national consensus and a
new social contract based on respect for human rights, recognition of
difference and reduction of socioeconomic inequalities. Given these challenges,
it is not surprising that many in the region and the West have looked upon
models to emulate, ready-made frameworks to be adopted without much
consideration of the historical and cultural specifities of the Middle East.
Two countries
that have often been mentioned in this kind of model talk are Turkey and
Sweden. Turkey has been widely seen as an attractive model for the Middle East
with its booming economy, its success in finding a balance between secularism
and Islam and its vibrant civil society. Sweden, on the other hand, or more
broadly the “Nordic” region has been recently hailed as the “next supermodel”
by The Economist, an example to be
followed not only by the transitional societies of the Middle East, but also by
the ailing European Union. Yet how can we present Turkey and Sweden, two
countries with markedly distinct nation- and state-building experiences, as
models to the Middle East and beyond? Isn’t this like comparing apples and pears,
simply because they are both fruits?
We
believe not. First, the way the two countries have historically responded to
modernity are quite similar. Both Kemalist Republicanism and the Swedish Social
Democracy are perfect instances of “social engineering”, designed to create a
particular kind of (modern) citizen. Second, in both countries the state plays
an important role in shaping and regulating society, leading to what Lars
Trägårdh and Henrik Berggren have called “state paternalism”. Third, and
following from the first two, they experience similar difficulties in state-society
and state-individual relations. Hence one can see the cohabitation in Turkey of
democracy and a certain form of “majoritarian authoritarianism” where the
rights of minorities are overlooked and in Sweden of notions of individual
autonomy and a political culture which is characterized by deference to the
state.
These
similarities should not blind us to the differences between the two countries
and the divergent outcomes of their processes of modernization. Moreover, there
are serious problems with the uncritical and patronizing use of the notion of
the “model”, and the way the “model” talk simplifies the complexity of social
experience and the various inadequacies behind “perceived” success stories. In
fact, both the attractiveness as well as the weakness of the notion of “model”
lies in its ambiguous character that makes its articulation possible in a
number of different discourses and agendas. This multiplicity of meanings
constitutes a real challenge that needs to be taken into account in the
discussion of models and their applicability.
Still,
the situation in the Middle East is critical. There is urgent need to develop
culturally appropriate pathways to sustainable transition that will not replicate
earlier mistakes (Iraq, Afghanistan), that will respect democracy, pluralism
and human rights without sacrificing social cohesion and national unity. We
believe that it is important to unpack the historical trajectories of Turkey
and Sweden in a systematic way and examine whether there is any experience that
can constitute the subject of a constructive dialogue between these two
“models” and the Middle East. This dialogue, we argue, should be one which is
based on “mutual learning”, not on top-down policy planning or elitist
attitudes which frame the Turkish and Swedish experiences as “better” or
“superior” to Middle Eastern polities and cultures. We thus need to look more
closely into the “model societies”, distinguish between good and bad practice,
achievements and mistakes, and problematize the terms democracy and
democratization. We need to focus not so much on what experience can be
transferred, but on the processes of exchange and interaction between actors
and institutions in the so-called models and the Middle Eastern societies. Only
this could foster democratic transitions on a local, grass-roots level
and strengthen a strong, pluralist civil society. After as Ingmar Bergman once
put, “only he who is well prepared has any opportunity to improvise”.
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